From the lists of various officer
alumni who have done the Indian Military Academy proud, it is obvious that
Muslims are few and far between. Only six Muslim officers, who have passed out
of the IMA so far, have made the supreme sacrifice for the country since the
1971 War. Only one, late Captain Haneefuddin of Kargil fame, has been awarded a
higher gallan-try medal, a Vir Chakra, ever since then. Only one Muslim
Gentleman Cadet has won the Academy’s Sword of Honour post-independence, with
the award being won way back in 1973.
These achievements appear somewhat
meagre in the light of the Indian Muslims forming the country’s largest
minority numbering over 175 million. It naturally raises the question: Why?
An answer can seen in a further
set of statistics gleaned from the biannual magazines of the Indian Military
Academy, published at the end of the Spring and the Autumn terms respectively.
In the magazines a one-line pen-portrait is given of each Gentleman Cadet (GC)
passing out, below the course photo of each company (equivalent of a House in
schools). From the two magazine issues in 2005, it is evident that only eight
Muslims passed out of the portals of the institution to become commissioned
officers. In the Spring Term 2006, there were eight Muslims commissioned. In
the Spring Term 2007, nine Muslims took the ‘Antim Pag’ or ‘Last Step’ as GCs
but their first step as commissioned officers out of the 555 taking commission
that term. The following Spring Term, 11 Muslim GCs passed out of 611. In the
Autumn Term 2011, the latest one for which the magazine is available, 14
Muslims passed out. However, this last figure includes those from friendly
foreign countries such as Afghanistan, the numbers for which have gone up since
the strategic agreement with that country.
In other words, of the six
magazines perused for ascertaining the numbers of Muslims gaining the officer
commission from the IMA, 45 have made the grade. Assuming some were from
foreign countries, less than 40 Indian Muslims have made it over two-and-a-half
years into the Army from the IMA, that commissions more than 1200 officers a
year. This compares somewhat poorly with the civil services yearly list on
which 30 Muslims figured this year amongst about 900 who ‘made it’. Admittedly,
there are other routes for officer commission these days into the Army, such as
through the Officers Training Academy and through the Technical Officer 12th
class entry stream. This means that the numbers making it into the Army are
marginally higher and must be viewed against the total getting commissioned in
a year, which a back-of-the-envelope calculation puts at 1800 plus a year.
Clearly, the overall number can
only be as abysmal as the statistics accessed here reveal. While reckonings
elsewhere place the percentage of Muslims at three per cent of the overall
total of Muslims in the Army, the statistics in regard to officer numbers have
been uninformed guesses at best. It is perhaps for the first time here that a
figure of about 1.1 per cent of officer commissions being of Indian Muslims has
been arrived at. The numbers of Muslim women officers can easily be imagined,
with the OTA magazine being the right place to look for exact numbers in the
absence of the government owing up to a problem.
The absence of information suggests
that the statistics that are no doubt known to the government are somewhat
embarrassing to reveal from the point of view of India’s and its Army’s secular
credentials. It is no wonder then that a former Chief, General J.J. Singh, had
put his foot down in revealing the details of Muslim representation in the Army
when approached by the Sachar Committee for its report. The laconic answer
given then was that the Army, being a secular institution, does not maintain
such records. This explanation begged the question of how the mortal remains of
dead soldiers were to be disposed-off in a war if the community to which a dead
soldier belonged was not known?!
The intake being so limited into
the commissioned ranks, it is no wonder then that the martial achievements of
Muslim officers can be covered in less than a paragraph as in the first
paragraph here. The Autumn Term 2011 issue can be mined for more telling
statistics. For instance, not a single Muslim name occurs in the list of names
below the group photos of the Academy faculty, the administrative staff, the
training team and, worse, even the academic department. This is the same case
in the Spring Term 2008. Among the non-officer instructor staff in the drill,
physical training, weapons training and equitation sections, there are nine
Muslim instructors. Incidentally, even at this non-officer level there are no
Muslims in the consequential Training section. The relative absence of Muslims
is of a piece with the fact given in the Platinum Number that the IMA has had
only one Muslim Commandant and one Muslim Subedar Major post-independence. (For
the record the National Defence Academy, a feeder institution to the IMA, has
had two Muslim Commandants.)
WHILE the numbers are few, the
performance of Muslims at the Academy is also revealing. All six magazines
carry photos and write-ups of the 34 top GC appointments, no doubt as
incentive. Of the 136 appointments scanned only one was Muslim. Beginning with
this leadership deficit, it is easy to reckon as to why there were no officer
instructors in the two terms examined, 2008 and 2016. Not tenanting such
prestigious appointments early on, the problem persists with very few making it
to the higher ranks. This is accentuated by the steep pyramidal structure that
the Army has. In other words, there is a cascading effect of the deficit of
Muslim youth making it to the Indian Military Academy and beyond.
It is therefore recommended here that the telling statistic of a mere one-to-two per cent of officers being Muslim be taken seriously by both the state and Muslim community. As a first step, the pattern of intake must be ascertained in-house to find out if what is surmised here carries water. Its implications, as discussed, can also be thought through. The Army, if the reasoning given in the previous paragraph is persuasive, must for its own reasons carry out a campaign to make itself attractive to a whole host of communities that are under-represented. These include those from the North-East and South India, leave alone Muslims. Civil-military liaison conferences in these States must be geared to energising the State administration to take corrective measures. This could include establishing Sainik Schools, increasing the representativeness of Sainik and Military school intake etc.
Additionally, commu-nities, such
as India’s various Muslim communities across the country, can rig up swotting
classes to help its youth qualify and clear the induction hurdles. This is how
States over-represented in the officer cadre prepare the youth. The Chancellor
of Jamia Millia Islamia and the Vice-Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim Universities,
coincidentally being military men, can guide the community’s reaction.
Affirmative action is not being suggested here, only targeted advertisement
campaigns being followed up suitably by state and civil society action.
